Mu-tien Chiou @Chicago (blogging in 中文, English, and Français)

Articles tagués ‘History’

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Public Imagination

Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X meet bef...

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Source: http://www.onthemedia.org/transcripts/2011/01/14/06

On August 28, 1963 Martin Luther King Jr. did what he’d done countless times before, he began building a sermon. And in his sermons King relied on improvisation – drawing on sources and references that were limited only by his imagination and memory. It’s a gift – and a tradition

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Public Imagination
http://www.onthemedia.org/flashplayer/mp3player.swf?config=http://www.onthemedia.org/flashplayer/config_share.xml&file=http://www.onthemedia.org/stream/xspf/158844

Rhetoric and Source criticism of Martin Luther King Jr.‘s "I have a dream" have demonstrated how fine fabrics of intertextuality works in the complex of the powerful speech.

The first part of the audio exposes that "I have a dream" is acutally an improvised intertextual play with published sermons of white and black preachers as well as with the rich ‘Oral tradition‘ of African-American preaching.

An analogy: as you trace the hundreds of books and sermons published by liberal Protestants around and before year 1950, 1960, you read one book of sermons and there is one quotation from Shakespeare and you might think that person was staying up all night reading Shakespeare, but actually these preachers were borrowing from each other. The same quotation from Shakespeare shows up from book after book after book of sermons by different people.

 

I Have a Dream‘ speech is thus in profound conflict with the intellectual property laws that have been strenuously used by his estate since his death. The second half of the talk prepares for us an ethical reflection on the special day: It was legal but unfortunate that King’s heirs have chosen to treat his legacy as a commercial property drifting  away from the political and spiritual sphere where it began.

Book Review: A Continent for the Taking

Mu-tien Chiou

French, Howard W. A Continent for the Taking: The Hope and Tragedy of Africa. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004. xvii +280 pages. Photographs.

www.randomhouse.com 978-0-307-4243_9780307424303

I. Introduction

Howard French’s A Continent for the Taking fits into a reportage genre that seems to characterize the oversea correspondents of American major newspapers. The genre’s African genealogy, which has become increasing bleak in its content, dates back to David Lamb’s tour d’horizon, The Africans in 1983, roughly when the then young H. French started to be infatuated with the continent and its people (3-4).

An African American growing up in the United States, French followed his family to Côte d’Ivoire after college, to work on teaching and writing for many years. Consequently, it is a deeper connection with the continent that distinguishes French from most of his American counterparts. When he assumed the New York Times’s West Africa bureau in 1994, he took the task as a personal challenge and would not be content with a mere ‘fireman’ post that rushes from catastrophe to coup d’état to humanitarian disaster just to quench the First-world media’s insatiable thirst for gory images (25).

His ambition, which turns out to become the thesis of this book, is to raise the issue of the West’s historic dealings with Africa as from the outset an issue of greed, hypocrisy, and ignorance. Africans deserve to be treated like fully human beings. To better voice this call, the author endeavors to delineate the hope and possibility that lie in the myriad cultural strengths of the continent.

II. Chapter Summary

Sent to Mobutu’s Zaire in 1995 to cover the outbreak of the Ebola virus, French soon found himself trapped in a roaring inferno—of poverty, corruption, and disease. His experiences there awakened him to the greed and inequity of the wealthy in colonial history. For him there is a systematic effort on the part of the Westerners to dehumanize the African, since King Joao III of Portugal in the early 16th century (ch.1), King Leopold II of Belgium in the late 19th century (ch.2), to the Clinton administration of United States in the 90s of 20th century (ch.10-11).

Accompanied by these historical facts and cultural observations is the journalist’s ability to catch the readers’ attention by zeroing in on the political hotspots, from the brutal kleptocracy of Abacha in Nigeria (ch.2), the deadly outbreak of Ebola virus in Zaire (ch.3-4), the drug-and-diamond-fueled civil war in Liberia (ch.5, 9), and the epic fall of Zairian tyrant Mobutu (ch. 6-7, 10-11).

Members from the 501st Transportation Squadron...

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When visiting Mali (ch.8) he once found what he would call ‘hope of Africa’ in the grandeur of Djenne Mosque—an indigenous ancient ruin that reveals Africa’s own cultural pride— and in the independent democratic government system. But both of them are fragile and their preservation begs Western countries‘ long term development plan that ceases 1) their exploitation of Africa’s natural and cultural resources and 2) their support for strongman politics, which only fuels oppression and class opposition.

In places such as the former Zaire, it is clearly the strongman politics that has caused such much misery. Within one year after the Ebola outbreak, French was called back to Kinshasa again witnessing the Zairian government’s collapse. It was not hard for him to discover soon that the Zairian rebel Kabila’s uprising was in fact a Rwanda’s Tutsi backed-up genocidal attempt against Hutus. French reserves his fiercest criticism for the New Yorker writer Philip Gourevitch, who presented Kabila, in essence a Kagame regime’s (Rwanda’s) political puppet, as a Lumumbaist Congolese nationalist to the US (232ff.). Gourevitch also packaged the ongoing Tutsi-Hutu vendetta under the analogical disguise of the Jewish Holocaust, with the elite Tutsis minority playing the role of the ‘innocent victims’ from the previous Rwandan genocide in 1994, after the nonintervention of which the US seemed to bear guilt. As a result, when Mobutu fell, Kabila received an undreamt-of consecration/approval transferred in full from him by the US, sealed by UN representative Madeleine Albright’s visit to Kinshasa on Dec. 12, 1997. The Kabila’s succession to the throne ensures that local people’s voice will not be heard and that foreign business/banking and the aristocratic minority can continue their exploitation and dominance over the marketable values and resources through bride and abuse of power. The Clinton administration then turned a blinded eye to the mass massacre that occurred in the Congolese forests, to the extent that the Canadian and French humanitarian force were blocked access to the rescue (231).

As aforementioned, Belgian Congo’s fate is just one of the most singled-out examples of the selfishness and hypocrisy that consistently underlie the mindset of America’s African policy. According to the author, Liberia, Uganda, and Angola are among the African nations that the US owes most to (170-174). But far from rectifying from the past slave trade from Liberia to the undue implementation development plan in Angola, the American’s new strategic vision in Central Africa is based on 1) fighting Islamic fundamentalism in Sudan by instigating Uganda spies and sacrifice Uganda’s stability in their support of Museveni’s dictatorship, 2) securing the lion’s share of Angola’s petroleum reserves for American oil companies, and 3) atoning for its criminal negligence during the 1994 Rwandan genocide (232) by letting alone the cataclysmic reoccurrence of massacre and Liberian civil war alike.

As for French, ‘the continent for the taking’ gave more than what he could bear. He caught malaria and barely survived. Physically he was almost burned out when his work in Africa was about to come to an end. Mentally, he felt and said that he ‘had seen far too much hypocrisy and wrongheaded diplomacy…, too much suffering and neglect, and too many hollow slogans and broken promises… (240)."

French now works in Shanghai, China, still as oversea correspondent for New York Times.

III. Personal Response

The genre of A Continent for the Taking is mixture of journalism, travel notes, autobiography, and cultural commentaries, very well-informed to serve the author’s polemic purpose. He is very open about his passions and allegiances, and his cross-cutting between private and public life renders his account very valuable for those who want to engage the issues of politics, colonialism, neocolonialism, health, and culture in modern Africa.

But on a different note, the book does not support its ‘hope’ theme very well beyond its tragic overtone. Indeed he has mentioned the struggling democracies that have unfortunately dropped off the radar screen in American foreign policy such as Mali (and Botswana), but his sweep is so wide that his scholarship seems too thin to lend itself to systematic argument for hope and possibilities.

IV. Reflection based on other Reading Materials

Early in the book, the author has quoted Achebe’s Things fall Apart as well as others’ on the issue of Africanness and otherness (15, 19). Both French and Achebe seem to be very critical of what Edward Said termed ‘orientalism’ in his same-name classic (Orientalism, 1978), that is, the old-fashioned and prejudiced outsider interpretations of Eastern/African cultures and peoples. Interestingly, similar excoriation about what Christian missionaries have done to Igbo and Okonkwo popped up the table again in Ch.8, where when monumental places like Djenne mosque are suffering erosion and pillage because of Malian people’s destitute of appreciation for its cultural significance and their living in complete destitution. It is the Christian missionaries—their most qualified educators and saviors to life them up from destitution— that indoctrinate this concept cultural self-renunciation hand-in-hand with their literacy program (164-169).

French has in his book’s front page the citation of a Yoruba proverb "Not even God is wise enough", but contrary to his note is a Times article I recently read, widely spread online, entitled ‘As an atheist, I truly believe Africa needs God‘ by Matthew Parris. Basically it is precisely about what Miller and Yamamori entitled ‘progressive Pentecostalism’ in Global Pentecostalism from a nonbeliever’s perspective. Parris notes, ‘far from having cowed or confined its converts, their faith appeared to have liberated and relaxed them’. I believe the real situation is somewhere in between. Africa is still in need of an integrated theological worldview that can hold its people in unity and shape its modern identity. Also, the historical Christianity is at a superior position to offer quality higher education to 1) direct Africa’s human resource, 2) create job market, 3) and prepare African people for the coming of true democracy. I also agree with all the above writers that colonial guilt cannot really motivate the western outsides to build a long-term collaborative relationship with Africans; only love of Christ can.

46806

From 1990 to 2008, Howard W. French reported for The New York Times as bureau chief for Central American and the Caribbean, West Africa, Japan and the Koreas, and China in Shanghai. He is the author of A Continent for the Taking: The Tragedy and Hope of Africa (2004). He is now associate professor at the Journalism School faculty of Columbia University, New York.

Extented reading: Howard W. French commenting on China’s recent involvement in Africa’s developmental affairs

China’s Grand Return: Serving Africa, or Stripping It Bare? (pdf; 77kb)

china-africa feature-100-china-africa2LG In fact, these images are severely biased. Those who paint this should first think about their Euro-American imperial ancestors.

fca1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

文摘:布希-錢尼過去八年施政檢討-來自美國史學家的批判

Dick Cheney, Vice President of the United States.

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Source: http://chronicle.com/news/article/5734/the-legacy-of-the-bush-cheney-years-trends-that-may-linger

January 4, 2009
The Legacy of the Bush-Cheney Years: Trends That May Linger

在今年度的美國歷史協會(American Historical Association)上,漸進派史學家批判過去八年布希-錢尼的對伊用武政策。他們的獨特批判角度更溯及這些政策在歷史變遷中所涉及的意識型態。其中被哥倫比亞大學歷史系教授Alice Kessler-Harris點名的有:

  1. 煙幕彈一般的反恐政策,布希以此扎草人的方式讓美國人對著一個不清不楚的目標同仇敵慨,讓他得以在普遍民意支持下進行所謂的「反侵略戰爭」(pre-emptive war)、以軍事取代外交、並對遠在伊拉克的人命和軍資消耗避重就輕,甚或向人民藏匿不報。
  2. 自由市場意識型態,此一度是過去二十年的主流,在布希的選戰策略中再次得到拉抬。其所偏好中產階級和資方利益團體是以犧牲勞動階級的福利為代價,它從而導致一種對勞工運動的敵意。耶魯大學歷史系的榮休教授David Montgomery認為這樣一種敵意直可上溯至二戰後。
  3. 個人主義與客制化導向的服務。這點可以算作自由經濟的副產品,總之為在資本競爭體系中贏得消費者,上至消費產品如汽車住房服飾、下至個人健康保險理財規劃或電台新聞音樂等愛好,都有人願意提供「量身訂作」的套餐。這是個體選擇權的興起與集體主義的衰微。

康乃迪克州三一學院的Vijay Prashad做的是南亞歷史和國際研究,他將布希-錢尼主導的美國對外政策追溯到卡特執政時期,並以獨特的角度觀察出美國一直無法在中東地區扮演好中立和事佬的主因。以Prashad的觀點,乃是由於美國對沙烏地阿拉伯之間緊密的利益連結。這條剪不斷、理還亂的外交糾葛,雖然不斷有人提出挑戰,歷任的領導者卻仍欠缺大刀闊斧的改革魄力。

此外,美國對外的經濟政策也因為過份強調利息借貸,使許多國家因故而無法在本質上增進人民的社會福利。一些極右派激進政治團體如印度民族主義者和伊斯蘭好戰份子能趁機興起,正是以提供這些社會福利為號召。真要說來美國乃是加劇這種「區域對立」張力的幫凶。

儘管布希已經下台,但美國目前的對外政策也恐怕在一時間隨著新政府上任而產生實質轉變。

另外需要小心的,則是911事件所導致學術上的「堅壁清野」:美國與國際間的學術交流便平添了諸多限制。葉史瓦大學(Yeshiva University )歷史系教授Ellen Schrecker注意到,法規隨著危機事件的產生而突然收緊,而這樣的緊繃狀態和諸多限制卻需要恆久的時間才會再漸漸放寬,回到原先的尺度。

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